Wednesday, February 29, 2012

May 1637

   Roger Williams and  John Winthrop May  1637 



Roger Williams with Canonicus


Roger Williams To John Winthrop.
New Providence, May, 1637
For his much honored Mr. Governor, and Mr. Winthrop, Deputy Governor of the Massachusetts, these.

Sir,—the latter end of the last week I gave notice to our neighbor princes of your intentions and preparations against the common enemy, the Pequods. At my first coming to them Canonicus (morofus aque ac barbarex fenex) was very sour, and accused the English and myself for sending the plague amongst them, and threatening to kill him especially. Such tidings (it seems) were lately brought to his ears by some of his flatterers and our ill-willers. I discerned cause of bestirring myself, and staid the longer, and at last (through the mercy of the most High) I not only sweetened his spirit, but possessed him, that the plague and other sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one God, who made him and us, who being displeased with the English for lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness, (the natives' epidemical sins,) smote many thousands of ourselves with general and late mortalities.
   Miantunnomu kept his barbarous court lately at my house, and with him I have far better dealing. He takes some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his coming over again some eight days hence. They pass not a week without some skirmishings, though hitherto little loss on either side. They were glad of your preparations, and in much conference with themselves and others, (waiting for instructions from them,) I gathered these observations, which you may please (as cause may be) to confider and take notice of:
1. They conceive that to do execution to purpose on the Pequods, will require not two or three days and away, but a riding by it and following of the work to and again the space of three weeks or a month, that there be a falling off and a retreat, as if you were departed, and a falling on again within three or four days, when they are returned again to their houses securely from their flight.
2. That if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently prepare for flight, women and old men and children, to a swamp some three or four miles on the back of them, a marvelous great and secure swamp, which they called Ohomowauke, which signifies owl's nest, and by another name, Cuppocommock, which signifies a refuge or hiding place, as I conceive.
3. That therefore Nayantaquit, (which is Miantunnomue's place of rendezvous,) to be thought on for the riding and retiring to of vessel or vessels, which place is faithful to the Narragansetts and at present enmity with the Pequods.
4. They also conceive it easy for the English, that the provisions and munitions first arrive at Aquedneck, called by us Rhode Island, at the Narragansett’s mouth, and then a messenger may be dispatched hither, and so to the bay, for the soldiers to march up by land to the vessels, who otherwise might spend long time about the cape and fill more vessels than needs.
5. That the assault would be in the night, when they are commonly more secure and at home, by which advantage the English, being armed, may enter the houses and do what execution they please.
6. That before the assault be given, an ambush be laid behind them, between them and the swamp, to prevent their flight, &c.
7. That to that purpose such guides as shall be best liked of to be taken along to direct, especially two Pequots, viz.: Wequash and Wuttackquickommin, valiant men, especially the latter, who have lived these three or four years with the Narragansetts, and know every pass and passage amongst them, who desire armor to enter their houses.
8. That it would be pleasing to all natives, that women and children be spared, &c.
9. That if there be any more land travel to Connecticut, some course would also be taken with the Wunhowatuckoogs, who are confederates with and a refuge to the Pequods.

Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find that Canonicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full.
Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view, how the Pequods lie:



Thus, with my best salutes to your worthy selves and loving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of mercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest
Your worship’s unfeigned respective
Roger Williams.

Not only did the persuasions of Williams induce the Narragansett to refrain from forming an alliance with the Pequods, but he succeeded also, as we have already learned, in committing the former to a friendship with the Bay people, and a continued hostility to their old enemies, the Pequods. In the summer of 1637 a party of Narragansett succeeded in overpowering a company of Pequods and killed three. Following their barbarous habit a hand of each was cut off and the three hideous trophies were sent to Boston. One of those who fell was the leader of the party of Pequods who murdered Stone and Norton, four years before.


John Winthrop, History of New England
1637

May 25.] Our English from Connecticut, with their Indians, and many of the Narragansetts, marched in the night to a fort of the Pequods at Mistick, and, besetting the same about break of the day, after two hours’ fight they took it, (by firing it) and slew therein two chief sachems, and one hundred and fifty fighting men, and about one hundred and fifty old men, women, and children, with the loss of two English, whereof but one was killed by the enemy. Divers of the Indian friends were hurt by the English, because they had not some mark to distinguish them from the Pequods, as some of them had.
Presently upon this came news from the Narragansetts that all the English, and two hundred of the Indians, were cut off in their retreat, for want of powder and victuals. Three days after, this was confirmed by a post from Plymouth, with such probable circumstances, as it was generally believed. But three days after, Mr. Williams, having gone to the Narragansetts to discover the truth, found them mourning, as being confident of it; but that night some came from the army, and assured them all was well, and that the Pequods were fled, and had forsaken their forts. The general defeat of the Pequods at Mistick happened the day after our general fast.
June 3.] Upon the news from Mr. Williams, that the Pequods were dispersed, and some come in and submitted to the Narragansetts, (who would not receive them before he had sent to know our mind), the governor and the council thought it needless to send so many men, and therefore sent out warrants only for one half of the two hundred; but some people liked not of it, and came to the governor to have all sent. He took it ill; and though three of the ministers came with them to debate the matter, he told them, that if anyone, discerning an error in the proceedings of the council, had come, and a private manner, to acquaint and therewith, it had been well done; but to come, so many of them, and a public and popular way, was not well, and would bring authority into contempt. This they took well at his hands, and excused their intentions. So it was thought fit to send about forty men more, which was yielded rather to satisfy the people, and for any need that appeared. Upon our governor’s letter to Plymouth, our friends there agree to send a pinnace, with forty men, to assist in the war against the Pequods; but they could not be ready to meet us at the first.
15.] There was a day of thanksgiving kept in all the churches for the victory obtained against the Pequods, and for other mercies.


New Providence, this last of the week. [May, 1637.]

Sir, I am much desired by Yotaash (the bearer hereof, Miantunnomue's brother) to interpret his message to you, viz.: that Miantunnomu requests you to bestow a Pequot squaw upon him.

I object, he had his mare sent him, he answers that Canonicus received but a few women and keeps them: and yet he saith his brother hath more right: for, himself and his brother's men first laid hold upon that company.
I object that all are disposed of, he answers, if so, he desires to buy one or two of some Englishman.

I object that here are many run away, which I have desired himself might convey home to you: he replies, they have been this fortnight busy (that is keeping of a kind of Christmas): and secondly, at present Miantunnomue's father-in-law lies a dying: as also that some of the runaways perished in the woods; three are at the Narragansett, and three within ten miles of this place; which I think may best be fetched by two or three Massachusetts Indians who may here get some one or two more to accompany and help.
Sir, you were pleased some while since to intimate some breach of league in Miantunnomu. I would not dishearten this man (from coming by my speech any way: but I could wish you would please to intimate your mind fully to him, as also that if there be any just exception which they cannot well answer, that use be made of it, (if it may be with the safety of the common peace,) to get the bits into their mouths, especially if their be good assurance from the Mohawks. So with my best salutes and earnest sighs to heaven,
I rest your worship’s unworthy
Roger Williams.


May, 1637
For his much honored, Mr. Governor of the Massachusetts
   Much Honored Sir, — I was bold to present you with two letters by Thomas Holyway, some weeks since. I am occasioned again at present to write a word by this bearer Wequash: whom (being a Pequot himself,) I commended for a guide in the Pequot expedition.
   I presume he may say something to yourself, or to such other of my loving friends as may report unto your worship, what befell him at Cowefet.
   He hath been five or six days now at my house, in which time I have had much opportunity to search into particulars, and am able to present you with naked truth.
   He came from Monahiganick to Cowefet within night and lodged with his friend called Pananawokshin. At Cowesit, an old man (Weeokamin,) hath made great lamentation for the death of two sons in the Pequot wars. This Weeokamun with divers of his comforts in the night time laid hold upon Wequash, intending to bind him, charging him with the death of his two sons. Much bickering there was between them, but no hurt done, only Weeokamun struggling with one of Wequash his company was fore bitten on the hand, and also bit the young man's fingers which are well again. So that their host kept peace in Canonicus his name, and brought them safe to me the next day: yet in the fray they loft a coat and other small things, which (coming forth before day) they left behind them.
   I sent up a messenger to the Sachems to demand a reason of such usage and their goods. Canonicus sent his son, and Miantunnomu his brother (Yotaash) who went to Cowefet and demanded the reason of such usage, and the goods, and so came to my house, causing the goods to be restored, professing the Sachem’s ignorance and sorrow for such passages, and given charge to all natives for their safe travel.
   Having those messengers and Wequash at my house, I caused them solemnly to parley of what I knew was grievance betwixt them, and what else I could any way pick out from either of them, concerning ourselves the English, or the Pequots, or themselves. All which I carefully writ down the particulars, and shall readily, at your worship’s pleasure, acquaint you with them: either concerning some squaws which Wequash acknowledged he parted with (and justly) to Canonicus and Miantunnomu, or other brablings which I thought not fit to trouble your worship with, without commission.
Roger Williams

Monday, February 27, 2012

Captain Roger Clapp's Memoirs

There was also one Capt. Stone, about the year 1633 or 1634, who carried himself very proudly, and spake contemptuously of our magistrates, and carried it lewdly in his conversation. For his misdemeanour, his ship was stayed; but he fled, and would not obey authority; and there came warrants to Dorchester to take him dead or alive. So all our soldiers were in arms, and sentinels were set in divers places; and at length he was found in a great cornfield, where we took him and carried him to Boston; but for want of one witness, when he came to his trial, he escaped with his life. He was said to be a man of great relation, and had great favor in England and he gave out threatening speeches. Though he escaped with his life, not being hanged for adultery, there being but one witness, yet for other crimes he was fined, and payed it; and being dismissed, he went towards Virginia. But by the way putting into the Pequot country, to trade with them, the Pequots cut off both him and his men, took his goods, and burnt his ship. Some of the Indians reported that they roasted him alive. Thus did God destroy him that so proudly threatened to ruin us, by complaining against us when he came to England. Thus God destroyed him, and delivered us at that time also.

About that time, or not long after, God permitted. Satan to stir up the Pequot Indians to kill divers Englishmen, as Mr. Oldham, Mr. Tilly, and others; and when the murderers were demanded, instead of delivering them, they proceeded to destroy more of our English about Connecticut; which put us upon sending out soldiers, once and again, whom God prospered in their enterprises until the Pequot people were destroyed.


John Winthrop. History of New England

1634

January 21.] News came from Plimouth, that Capt. Stone, who this last summer went out of the bay or lake, and so to Aquamenticus, where he took in Capt. Norton, putting in at the mouth of Connecticut, in his way to Virginia, where the Pequins inhabit, was there cut off by them, with all his company, being eight. The manner was thus: Three of his men, being gone ashore to kill fowl, were cut off. Then the sachem, with some of his men, came aboard, and staid with Capt. Stone in his cabin, till Capt. Stone (being alone with him) fell on sleep. Then he knocked him on the head, and all the rest of the English being in the cook's room, the Indians took-such pieces as they found there ready charged, and bent them at the English; whereupon one took a piece, and by accident gave fire to the powder, which blew up the deck; but most of the Indians, perceiving what they went about, shifted overboard, and after they returned, and killed such as remained, and burned the pinnace. We agreed to write to the governor of Virginia, (because Stone was one of that colony,) to move him to revenge it, and upon his answer to take further counsel.

This year (in the forepart of the same) they sent forth a barke to trade at the Dutch-Plantation; and they met there with on Captain Stone, that had lived in Christopher’s, one of the West-Ende Islands, and now had been some time in Virginia, and came from thence into these parts. He kept company with the Dutch Governor, and, I know not in what drunken fit, he got leave of the Governor to cease on their barke, when they were ready to come ( away, and had done their market, having the value of : 500li. worth of goods aboard her; having no occasion at all, or any color of ground for such a thing, but having made the Governor drunk, so as he could scarce speak a right word; and when he urged him hear about, he answered him, Als't u beleeft. (That is, if you please.) So he gat aboard, (the chief of their men and merchant being ashore,) and with some of his own men, made the rest of theirs weigh anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards Virginia. But diverse of the Dutch sea-men, which had been often at Plimouth, and kindly entertained there, said one to another, “Shall we suffer our friends to be thus abused, and have their goods carried away, before our faces, whilst our Governor is drunk? They vowed they would never suffer it; and so got a vessel of two and pursued him, and brought him in again, and delivered them their bark and goods again.

Afterwards Stone came into the Massachusetts, and they sent and commenced suite against him for this fact; but by mediation of friends it was taken up, and the suite let fall. And in the company of some other gentlemen Stone came afterwards to Plimouth, and had friendly and civil entertainment amongst them, with the rest; but revenge boiled with his brest, (though concealed,) for some conceived he had a purpose (at one time) to have stabbed the Governor, and put his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods providence and the vigilance of some was prevented. He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with one Captain Norton & some others; and, I know not for what occasion, they would need go up Conigtecutt River; and how they carried themselves I know not, but the Indeans knocked him in the head, as he lay in his cabin, and had thrown the covering over his face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncertain); this was his end. They likewise killed all the rest, but Captain Norton defended him self a long time against them all in the cook-room, till by accident the gunpowder took fire, which (for readiness) he had set in an open thing before him, which did so burn, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could make no longer resistance, but was slain also by them, though they much commended his valor. And having killed the men, they made a pray of what they had, and chaffered away some of their things to the Dutch that lived there. But it was not long before a quarrel fell between the Dutch & them, and they would have cut of their bark; but they slue the chief sachem with the shot of a murderer.

20.] Hall and the two others, who went to Connecticut November 3, came now home, having lost themselves and endured much misery. They informed us, that the small pox was gone as far as any Indian plantation was known to the west and much people dead of it, by reason whereof they could have no trade.

At Narragansett, by the Indians' report, there died seven hundred; but, beyond Pascataquack, none to the eastward.

February

1.] Such of the Indians’ children as were left were taken by the English, most whereof did die of the pox soon after, three only remaining, whereof one, which the governor kept, was called Know-God, (the Indians usual answer being, when they were put in mind of God, Me no-know God.)

May

15.] Those of Newtown complained of straightness for want of land, especially meadow, and desired leave of the court to look out either for enlargement or removal, which was granted ; whereupon they sent men to see Agawam and Merrimack, and gave out they would remove.

July

Six of Newtown went in the Blessing, (being bound to the Dutch plantation,) to discover Connecticut River, intending to remove their town thither.

September

4.] The general court began at Newtown, and continued a week, and then was adjourned fourteen days. The main business which spent the most time, and caused the adjourning of the court, was about the removal of Newtown. They had leave, the last general court, to look out some place for enlargement or removal, with promise of having it confirmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to any other plantation; and now they moved that they might have leave to remove to Connecticut. This matter was debated divers days, and many reasons alleged pro and con. The principal reasons for their removal were, 1. Their want of accommodation for their cattle, so as they were not able to maintain their ministers, nor could receive any more of their friends to help them; and here it was alleged by Mr. Hooker, as a fundamental error, that towns were set so near each to other.

2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Connecticut, and the danger of having it possessed by others, Dutch or English.

3. The strong bent of their spirits to remove thither.

Against these it was said, 1. That, in point of conscience, they ought not to depart from us, being knit to us in one body, and bound by oath to seek the welfare of this commonwealth. 2. That, in point of state and civil policy, we ought not to give them leave to depart. 1. Being well were now weak and in danger to be assailed. 2. The departure of Mr. Hooker would not only draw many from us, but also divert other friends that would come to us. 3. We should expose them to evident peril, both from the Dutch (who made claim to the same river, and had already built a fort there) and from the Indians, and also from our own state at home, who would not endure they should sit down without a patent in any place which our king lays claim unto. 3. They might be accommodated at home by some enlargement which other towns offered. 4. They might remove to Merrimack, or any other place within our patent. 5. The removing of a candlestick is a great judgment, which is to be avoided.

Upon these and other arguments the court being divided, it was put to vote; and, of the deputies, fifteen were for their departure, and ten against it. The governour and two assistants were for it, and the deputy and all the rest of the assistants were against it, (except the secretary, who gave no vote ;) whereupon no record was entered, because there were not six assistants in the vote, as the patent requires. Upon this grew a great difference between the governour and assistants, and the deputies. They would not yield the assistants a negative voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it might be to the commonwealth, if they should not keep that strength to balance the greater number of the deputies) thought it safe to stand upon it. So, when they could proceed no further, the whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was done, in all the congregations, the 18th day of this month; and the 24th the court met again. Before they began, Mr. Cotton preached, (being desired by all the court, upon Mr. Hooker's instant excuse of his unfitness for that occasion.) He took his text out of Hag. ii. 4, &c. out of which he laid down the nature or strength (as he termed it) of the magistracy, ministry and people, viz.—the strength of the magistracy to be their authority; of the people, their liberty; and of the ministry, their purity; and showed how all of these had a negative voice, &c. and that yet the ultimate resolution, &c. ought to be in the whole body of the people, &c. with answer to all objections, and a declaration of the people's duty and right to maintain their true liberties against any unjust violence, &c. which gave great satisfaction to the company. And it pleased the Lord so to assist him, and to bless his own ordinance, that the affairs of the court went on cheerfully; and although all were not satisfied about the negative voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no man moved aught about it, and the congregation of Newtown came and accepted of such enlargement as had formerly been offered them by Boston and Watertown; and so the fear of their removal to Connecticut was removed.

Sunday, February 26, 2012

Letter From John Winthrop to Roger Williams

Sir: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late Govr is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For ye matters which from your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them so publicke as ye cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Whereas you signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against ye Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without the consente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledge your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. Whereas you make this warr to be our peoples, and not to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at ye Pequents, and all other Indeans, as a comone enimie, who, though he may take occasion of ye begining of his rage, from some one parte of ye English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to ye rooting out of ye whole nation. Therefore when we desired your help, we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (2) Whereas you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guide & provock you; so we desire we may be at ye like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from us. And whereas it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against ye French; we conceive ye case was not alike; yet we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4) Whereas you objecte that we began ye warr without your privitie, & managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block Hand, and ye interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon ye Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but ye answer received, it was not seasonable for us to change our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our owne.

For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you.

And Sir; wheras you objecte to us yet we should hold trade & correspondancie with ye French, your enemise; we answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late Govr and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for ye better conveace of our letters, had licens from our Govr to sayle thither.

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning ye apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that, if ye offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as ye case shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous unto us.

Now for ye joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds & Christian breethren, who are now first in ye danger; though you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if ye Lord please to be with us, we may,) yet 3 things we offer to your consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) If we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, with 3 times ye charge & hazard which now ye may. 2ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much abate of ye acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3rdThose of yours, who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The 2nd thing is this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end. before ye end of this somer, otherwise ye newes of it will discourage both your & our freinds from coining to us next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto, your selves may judge.

The (3.) thing is this, that if ye Lord shall please to blesse our endeaours, so as we end ye warr, or put it in a hopefull way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, & would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations

to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest

Yours most assured in ye Lord,

Jo: Winthrop. Boston, ye 20. of ye 3. month," 1637. (May 20th, 1637)

Friday, February 24, 2012

John Winthrop, History of New England From 1630-1649



John Winthrop, History of New England
1631
April
The beginning of this month we had very much rain and warm weather. It is a general rule, that when the wind blows twelve hours in any part of the east, it brings rain and snow in great abundance.
4.] Wahginnacut, a sagamore upon the River Quonehtacut (Connecticut) which lies west of Naragancet, came to the governor at Boston, with John Sagamore, and Jack Straw, (an Indian, who had lived in England and had served Sir Walter Raleigh, and was now turned Indian again,) and divers of their sannops, and brought a letter to the governor from Mr. Endecott to this effect: That the said Wahginnacut was very desirous to have some Englishmen to come plant in his country, and offered to find them corn, and give them yearly eighty skins of beaver, and that the country was very fruitful, etc., and wished that there might be two men sent with him to see the country. The governor entertained them at dinner, but would send none with him. He discovered after, that the said sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoath (a far greater sagamore). His country is not above five days journey from us by land.
13.] Chickatabot came to the governor, and desired to buy some English clothes for himself. The governor told him, that English sagamores did not use to truck; but he called his tailor and gave him order to make him a suit of clothes; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins of coat beaver, and, after he and his men had dined, they departed, and said he would come again three days after for his suit.
15.] Chickatabot came to the governor again, and he put him into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after he set meat before them; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat he desired him to do the like, and so departed.
16.] There was an alarm given to all our towns in the night, by occasion of a piece which was shot off, (but where could not be known,) and the Indians having sent us word the day before, that the Mohawks were coming down against them and us.
June
14.] At a court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot being told at last court of some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satisfaction, and now one of their men was complained of for shooting a pig, and for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver, which he presently paid.
13.] Canonicus, son of the great sachem of Naraganset, came to the governor’s house with John Sagamore. After they had dined, he gave the governor a skin, and the governor requited him with a fair pewter pot, which he took very thankfully, and stayed all night.
August
8.] The Tarentines, to the number of one hundred, came in three canoes, and in the night assaulted the wigwam of the sagamore of Agawam, by Merrimack, and slew seven men, and wounded John Sagamore, and James, and some others.
17.] Mr. Shurd of Pemaquid, sent home James Sagamore's wife, who had been taken away at the surprise at Agawam, and writ that the Indians demanded fathoms of wampampeague and skins for her ransom.
1632
April
12.] The governor received letters from Plimouth, signifying, that there had been a broil between their men at Sowamset and the Naraganset Indians, who set upon the English house there to have taken Owsamequin, the sagamore of Packanocott, who was fled thither with all his people for refuge and that Capt. Standish, being gone thither to relieve the three English, which were in the house, had sent home in all haste for more men and other provisions, upon intelligence that Canonicus, with a great army, was coming against them. Withal they write to our governor for some powder to be sent with all possible speed, (for it seemed they were unfurnished.) Upon this the governor presently dispatched away the messenger with so much powder as he could carry, viz. twenty-seven pounds.
16.] The messenger returned, and brought a letter from the governor, signifying, that the Indians were retired from Sowams to fight with the Pequins, which was probable, because John Sagamore and Chickatabott were gone with all their men, viz. John Sagamore with thirty, and Chickatabott with twenty to Canonicus, who had sent for them.
August
Mr. Oldham had a small house near the wear at Watertown, made all of clapboards, burnt down by making fire in it when it had no chimney.
30.] Notice being given of ten sagamores and many Indians assembled at Muddy River, the governor sent Captain Underhill with twenty musketeers, to discover; but at Roxbury they heard they were broke up.
September
4.] One Hopkins of Watertown, was convict for selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot to James Sagamore, for which he was sentenced to be whipped and branded in the cheek. It was discovered by an Indian, one of James’s men, upon promise of concealing him, (for otherwise he was sure to be killed).
John Winthrop, History of New England
1633
January
1.] Mr. Edward Winslow chosen governor of Plimouth, Mr. Bradford having been governor about ten years, and now by importunity gat off.
June
2.] Capt. Stone arrived with a small ship with cows and some salt. The governor of Plimouth sent Capt. Standish to prosecute against him for piracy. The cause was, being at the Dutch plantation, where a pinnace of Plimouth coming, and Capt. Stone and the Dutch governor having been drinking together, Capt. Stone, upon pretence that those of Plimouth had reproached them of Virginia, from whence he came, seized upon their pinnace, (with the governor’s consent,) and offered to carry her away, but the Dutchmen rescued her; and of the council of Plimouth) to pass it by, yet, upon their earnest prosecution at court, we bound over Capt. Stone (with two sureties) to appear in the admiralty court in England, &c. But, after, those of Plimouth, being persuaded that it would turn to their reproach, and that it could be no piracy, with their consent, we withdrew the recognizance.
15.] Mr. Graves, in the ship Elizabeth Bonadventure, from Yarmouth, arrived with ninety-five passengers, and thirty-four Dutch sheep, and two mares. They came from Yarmouth in six weeks.
19.] A day of thanksgiving was kept in all the congregations, for our delivery from the plots of our enemies, and for the safe arrival of our friends.
July
2.] At a court it was agreed, that the governor, John Winthrop, should have, towards his charges this year, £150, and the money, which he had disbursed in public businesses, as officers wages, being between two and three hundred pounds, should be forthwith paid.
12.] Mr. Edward Winslow, governor of Plimouth, and Mr. Bradford, came into the bay, and went away the 18th. They came partly to confer about joining in a trade to Connecticut, for beaver and hemp. There was a motion to set up a trading house there, to prevent the Dutch, who were about to build one ; but, in regard the place was not fit for plantation, there being three or four thousand warlike Indians, and the river not to be gone into but by small pinnaces, having a bar affording but six feet at high water, and for that no vessels can get in for seven months in the year, partly by reason of the ice, and then the violent stream, we thought not fit to meddle with it.
24.] Much sickness at Plimouth, and about twenty died of pestilent fevers.